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Preliminaries

Frame

On 29 March 2023, Geopolitica.ru launched [1] the First Global Conference on Multipolarity. This conference, largely organized online, brought together over a hundred prominent dissident activists and publicists in the fields of geopolitics and political philosophy from all over the world, [2] 

One of the more incisive speeches of the conference was given by French-Moroccan scholar (religious historian) and publicist (geopolitical analyst) Youssef Hindi (b. 1985): it dealt with the geopolitical implications of the ‘convergence of catastrophes’ currently facing (Western) Europe.[3]

An important voice in the as-yet informal but rapidly rising Multipolar Movement, it is important that Hindi’s work becomes accessible outside the Francophone world as well: this review of Hindi’s as-yet untranslated 2023 work La Guerre des Etats-Unis contre l’Europe et l’avenir de l’état, ‘The United States’ War on Europe and the Future of the State’, serves this purpose.

Those readers committed to the Eurasianist and Multipolar Movements will find that Hindi’s lucid analysis of present-day geopolitics is grounded in a solid Traditionalist Weltanschauung as well as consistent adherence to the seminal teachings of political-philosophical and geopolitical masters such as Carl Schmitt and Karl Haushofer – teachings he expands and applies to the ‘Crisis of the Modern World’, which has been spiralling out of control right in front of our eyes during the last few ‘Great Reset’ years.

Aim

The aim of this present review of Hindi’s Guerre is to assist the Eurasianist and Multipolar Movements – the former movement relates as a matrix and reference point to the latter movement – in creating a fully-fledged, stand-alone worldview and a comprehensive, all-encompassing metanarrative, as they will eventually be required to do if they are to ever to successfully oppose and overcome the globalist-nihilist worldview.

In this regard, much preparatory work has already been done – especially by Aleksandr Dugin, the present intellectual leader of both movements: he has created the philosophical tabula rasa on which a viable ‘Fourth Political Theory’ will eventually be written.

Hindi’s Guerre is providing some of the outlines and preliminaries for the comprehensive metanarrative that needs to be worked out. The reviewer estimates that the combination of the collective experiences of the recent ‘Great Reset’ years, plus the individual pioneering work of those thinkers and publicists who managed to avoid these years’ conformity pressures and rabbit-hole pitfalls (as Hindi has), has already created a minimum roster of reference points for that as-yet undefined metanarrative. These reference points include the absolute and resolute rejection of key globalist-nihilist program items such as

(1) biomedical ’emergency rule’ (shutdown of the economy, lockdown of social life, suppression of critical science),

(2) digital ‘surveillance state’ (‘vaccine passports’, ‘social credit scores’, ‘Central Bank Digital Currencies’),

(3) transhumanist ‘identity fluidity’ (gender-bending ‘sex re-assignment’, gene-editing ‘mRNA’, AI-based ‘virtual reality’),

(4) body-invasive legislation (‘abortion’,  ‘euthanasia’, ‘vaccination’),

(5) state-sponsored degeneracy (‘LGBT’ rightism, ‘co-educative’ misandry, ‘post-family’ pornocracy) and

(6) state-imposed atheism (‘secular law’, human rightism, follow-the-science idolatry).

If the Eurasianist and Multipolar Movements are ever to attain the status of truly revolutionary forces, and to gain the trust and support of the globalist-enslaved masses around the world, they will have to manifest these minimum points as part of their manifest. Hindi’s Guerre includes many analyses useful to the eventual formulation of such a manifest.

Caveat

It should be noted that Hindi’s Guerre consistently identifies the present-day globalist-nihilist power centre, i.e. what may otherwise be accurately described as the ‘hostile elite’ or the ‘ruling cabal’, as historically originating in the mixed Judeo-Anglo money power, which rose to power in Britain after the Protestant Revolution, and as essentially shaped by a mixed Judeo-Protestant heresy of a (initially hidden) antinomian nature.

The reviewer has deliberately chosen not to touch upon Hindi’s quite substantial analysis of the cultural-historical genesis of the globalist-nihilist hostile elite, not because he would stoop to any (self-)censorship on the ‘JQ’ – on which the reviewer has extensively written elsewhere, giving his own Traditionalist take[4] – but because he intends this review to contribute to the future strategy rather than the historical grounding of the Eurasianist and Multipolar Movements. It should also be noted that the reviewer does not necessarily agree with all of Hindi’s many analyses: where applicable, the reviewer has added notes to that effect.

Organization

The reviewer understands that, given the prevailing combination of ‘Great Reset’ conditions, i.e. the exponential speeding up of unprecedented and global-scale developments, and ‘social media’ conditions, i.e. the 24-hour news cycle- and peer pressure-driven semi-permanent ‘reactivity’, readers’ time allowances and attention spans are bound to be brief. He has therefore decided to strip down his review of Hindi’s Guerre to its bare-bone essentials and to give the reader a taste of its lucid wording and penetrating thinking.

Thus, the review is limited to six paragraphs of specific purpose that can be read separately: the reader can set his own priorities. The first paragraph,

(1) Diagnostics, sketches the outlines of Hindi’s multi-disciplinary analysis. The second paragraph,

(2) Mechanisms, sketches Hindi’s interpretation of three key pillars of the globalist-nihilist hostile elite’s Great Reset project, viz. Covidianism, Ecologism and Ukrainianism – note that the third term has been improvised by the reviewer to cover Hindi’s analysis of enemy demonization. The third paragraph,

(3) Conclusions, summarizes Hindi’s main findings and recommendations. The fourth paragraph,

(4) Remedies gives Hindi’s most important geopolitical recommendations. The fifth paragraph,

(5) Terms, lists some Hindi-specific vocabulary: the reviewer deems it important to include Hindi’s neologisms because they allow old words and new phenomena to be reconsidered and reframed. As such, they are valuable additions to the cognitive arsenal of the Eurasianist and Multipolar Movements, now engaged in a life-and-death Weltanschauungskrieg. The sixth and final paragraph,

(6) Quotations, gives the reader a taste of some of Hindi’s more memorable phrases. The substance of these six paragraphs, while logically ordered by the reviewer, consists of quotations from Hindi’s original French text – the translations are the reviewer’s.

Language

Many if not most of the published analyses, whether spoken or written, that have come out of the great – Eurasianist, New Right and other – dissident movements over the last decades have been written in the language of the globalist-nihilist Anglosphere-based hegemon, i.e. in the English language.[5]

On the one hand, this can be explained by the obvious and entirely legitimate need to dissect and deconstruct the globalist-nihilist metanarrative – and to address key (aspirant- and proto-)dissident audiences within the ‘Five Eyes’ heartland of the hegemon. On the other hand, this – partially inevitable – reliance on the English language (and the reviewer does not exempt himself from this criticism) has given rise to a ‘Catch-22’ situation in which the increasingly formidable forces opposing the globalist-nihilist hegemon are still using, or even forced to use, the language of that hegemon, trapping them in the thought- and expression-world of the enemy (Heidegger aptly described the ‘frame’ imposed by any  language the Haus des Seins[6]). But, of course, simply being aware of this trap holds the key to its opening.

Another simple remedy is to balance reading and writing in English, which, it should be remembered, is the hegemonic elite’s lingua franca but not its home language, by restoring reading and writing in French, which had the status of ‘world language’ before the bi-polar and uni-polar epochs (1945-1991 and 1991-2022, respectively) during which English usurped that status. Thus, ‘the author of the present work has chosen to retain the original French text of [the work under review]. There are two reasons for this double French-English presentation strategy. First, the author… hopes that young European will re(dis)cover French as Europe’s foremost language of intellectual discourse. Second, the author shares the view of his fellow Dutch publicist Alfred Vierling that Francophone culture is essentially different from Anglophone culture, to a degree that virtually precludes one-on-one ‘translation’. This means that French language skills are indispensable for any attempt at a conscientious studia humanitatis. The lack of such skills among the younger generations of the West, however, is not primarily due to any intellectual complacency: it can be directly attributed to the hostile elite’s anti-education policy of deliberate ‘dumbing down’.

The [reviewer] has therefore chosen to meet younger readers of Rupes Nigra halfway by presenting [the] original [French] text as well as his own, somewhat ‘free’ English translation.'[7] Because even the simple use of French, in however modest a dose, is to deny and fight the hegemonical Atlanticist ‘mono-culture’ of the globalist-nihilist hostile elite.

Assessment

Hindi’s Guerre should be obligatory reading for all geopolitical analysts in the Eurasianist and Multipolar Movements because he provides a comprehensive and fully up-to-date assessment of the predicament of Europe that arose with the full imposition of the globalist Great Reset.

The economic havoc and social division following the globalist-imposed ‘Covid’ regime (March 2020) and the energy suicide and military tribute imposed following the neocon-engineered ‘Ukraine’ crisis (February 2023) have fundamentally altered the geopolitical power equation in Europe – Hindi’s Guerre is the first comprehensive overview of this new reality.

Almost 400 pages long, Hindi’s Guerre sketches the full – and catastrophic – implications of the failure (better: refusal) of Europe’s leadership to pursue the interests of Europe’s nations and peoples – and he explains the reasons for that failure, i.e. the deep historical background of (almost all of) Europe’s current status as vassal to the Anglosphere-based globalist hegemon. Hindi does so by applying the teachings of the founders of modern geopolitics (Karl Haushofer, Friedrich Ratzel) and modern political philosophy (Carl Schmitt, Giorgio Agamben) to Europe’s present predicament – and he cites extensive quotations to support his various theses. Hindi also gives his own, entirely original ‘theo-political’ analysis of Europe’s present predicament, linking it to Europe’s historical shift from Tradition- and religion-based politics to secularism- and economy-based politics.[8]

Finally, Hindi’s Guerre contains several detailed investigations into the largely hidden machinations of the globalist regime, such as his analysis of the recent take-over of large European enterprises by American predatory investors (Belgian maritime transport Euronav by American Frontline, British biotech ReViral by American Pfizer, Italian Telecom Italia and Dutch Acell by American Kohlberg-Kravis-Roberts, p. 77ff.) and his listing of European politicians in key decision-making positions compromised as collaborators with New World High Finance (p. 250ff.). As a result, Hindi’s Guerre constitutes a truly multi-disciplinary – one could even say: holistic – study that provides a solidly Traditionalist assessment of Europe’s present position as a ‘scorched earth’ sacrifice during the retreat phase of globalist-nihilist hegemon’s crusade against the rising power of its multipolar challengers. It substantially contributes to what must be the metapolitical goal of the Eurasianist and Multipolar Movement: the formulation of a fully-fledged Liberation Philosophy.

Diagnostics

(*) Macro-historically speaking, Europe’s current predicament, i.e. globalist-engineered deindustrialization (through the mechanisms of the Covidianist ‘lockdown’ regime, Ecologist ‘green’ transition and the Ukrainianist energy-suicide) and Atlanticist-enforced co-belligerence (economic sanctions against Russia and military tribute to Ukraine), is a function of a much larger and older land power-versus-sea power dialectic,[9] presently incarnated in the divide between (A) Anglosphere-based Neo-Atlantean Thalassocracy and (B) Heartland-based Neo-Eurasianist Tellurgy:

(Ad A) L’Etat est une émanation terrestre par excellence. La vie de la famille, des sociétés, des royaumes, des empires, des états, est terrestre. L’enracinement est exclusivement terrestre. Ainsi, originellement, les organisations politiques, la cité comme l’empire, l’ordre et le droit, sont liés à la terre. La terre que l’on travaille, d’où l’on tire notre substance, sur laquelle nous bâtissont nos maisons, nos villages, nos cités, a une limite, naturelle ou articifielle. La propriété privée a une délimination précise et l’état a des frontières. Le terme grec nomos renvoie à la notion de partage, de division, d’organisation de l’espace. L’on peut ainsi parler d’ordre de la terre et du monde. …[Chaque] pouvoir terrestre est par nature limité, par les frontières naturelles ou artificielles.

‘The state is an eminently terrestrial phenomenon. The life of families, societies, kingdoms, empires [and all] states is terrestrial. Rootedness is exclusively terrestrial. Thus, originally, [all] political organizations, [from] city-state [to] empire [as well as all forms of] law and order are tied up with the land. The land that we work on, that we obtain our sustenance from [and] that we build our houses [and] cities on, has precise boundaries and the state has [precise] frontiers. The Greek word nomos derives from the notion of partition, division [and] spatial organization. Thus, we may speak of the order of the land and the world. …By its very nature, [every] terrestrial power is limited by natural or artificial frontiers.’ (p. 28-9)

(Ad B) La mer, sans frontière, est un monde de l’indistinction. C’est un espace liquide, mobile, instable, tantôt calme, tantôt agitée. Il est en cela diamétralement opposé au monde de la terre, au continent européen, celui de la frontière naturelle ou artificielle, de la limite, de la distinction, de la stabilité, de l’ordre et donc du droit.

‘The borderless sea is a world of non-distinction. It is a liquid space, mobile, unstable, sometimes calm, sometimes agitated. It is diametrically opposed to the world of the land, to the European continent, to [the world] of natural or artificial border[s], of limit[s], of distinction[s], of stability, of order and, thus, of law.’ (p. 14)

(*) Political-philosophically speaking, the land power-versus-sea power dialectic that Europe finds currently caught up in is simultaneously paralleled in two other dialectics, viz.

(A) the empire-versus-hegemony dialectic (historically epitomized by the land-based Roman Empire and the sea-based Delian League, respectively), presently expressed in contest between the land-based Shanghai Cooperation Council and the sea-based North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and

(B) the law-upholding-Katechon-versus-law-upending-Antichrist dialectic presently expressed in the contest between the land-based rump-empire of Third Rome Holy Russia and the sea-based global hegemon of Neo-Atlantean Great Satan America:

(Ad A – for Hindi’s definitions of empire and hegemon, cf. Paragraph 6 below) L’Etat qui tente de freiner l’expansion de cet hêgemôn liquide qui envahit chaque millimètre de la société, est considéré comme un ennemi, un frein à l’unification du monde, à l’instauration d’un nouvel Eden terrestre, …[de] la marche vers la paix universelle [et] le millenium qui tente d’instaurer les Etats-Unis, pour le ‘bien’ de l’humanité. 

‘Any state that attempts to halt the expansion of this liquid hegemon, which invades every millimetre of society, is considered an enemy, a brake on the unification of the world, the establishment of a new earthly Eden, … [of] the march towards universal peace [and] the millennium that the US is attempting to impose for the ‘good’ of [all of] humanity’. (p. 15)

Il n’y a pas de frontière physique, politique, juridique et économique selon l’hêgemôn offshore.

‘There exists no boundary, whether physical, political, legal or economic, for the offshore hegemon.’ (p. 43). (Ad B – cf. the point theo-politics below)

(*) Theo-politically speaking, Old World Europe, which is the historical embodiment of the Christian Tradition, represents the sacrificial lamb sought by New World America, which is the history-erasing embodiment of Antichristian Modernity: the latter must slay the former for its inverse anti-Law system and its inverse-Israel vision to become fully realized:

Dans la logique historique anglo-protestante, l’Amérique, terre colonisée par les Européens, devait devenir un nouveau royaume d’Israël dominant. Cette Amérique qui était une terre a conquérir exempte de loi, finira par considérer le reste du monde comme terre de conquête… en faisant fi du droit international.

‘In the historical logic of Anglo Protestantism, America, land colonized by Europeans, is bound to become a new dominant Kingdom of Israel. This America, which was territory to be conquered in the absence of law, is bound to regard the rest of the world as territory to be conquered, voiding international law.’ (p. 295)

[Cet] providentialisme animera la géopolitique américaine lors du passage de la ‘destinée manifeste’ circonscrite au territoire des Etats-Unis à celui de la ‘destinée manifeste’ universelle. 

‘[This] providentialism has animated American geopolitics across the passage from the [original] ‘manifest destiny’ limited to US territory to the [later] universal ‘manifest destiny’. (p. 20)[10]

La laïcisation de la destinée manifeste universelle [est] la sécularisation de l’exceptionnalisme religieux. …Par sa sécularisation, l’exceptionnalisme américain a élevé cette nation au rang de divinité sur terre. [Mais, d]e notre point de vue, …c’est un état-démiurge violant le droit international, ne respectant jamais ni sa parole ni les accords écrits, et imposants aux nations des règles qu’il n’applique pas lui-même. L’Amérique et devenue un agent du chaos plus proche de l’Antéchrist que de l’esprit évangélique.

‘The lay-version of universalist manifest destiny [is] the secularisation of religious exceptionalism. …[But], from our point of view, …it is a demiurge-state violating international law, never respecting either its wording or [any] written agreements and imposing on [other] nations rules that it does not apply to itself. America has become an agent of chaos that is closer to the Antichrist than to the spirit of the Gospel. ‘ (p. 25)

Les Etats-Unis sont… devenues une sorte de supra-état souverain, trônant comme une divinité, tel Zeus, dans un panthéon d’états-démiurges qui lui sont inféodés. …[S]es pouvoirs s’exercent dans les pays occidentaux… par la suspension de la loi et la production de ‘lois’… antinomiques (en opposition à la loi naturelle), mais… dans le monde non-occidental, par la suspension de loi internationale, s’autorisant à prendre la place de Dieu, en détruisant des pays entiers.

‘The US has… become a kind of sovereign super-state, divinely enthroned, in the manner of Zeus, in a pantheon of demiurge-states subject to it. …Within the Western countries, [its] powers are exercised… by the suspension of [natural] law and the production of antinomian ‘laws’ ([i.e. laws] opposed to natural law), but… outside the West by the suspension of international law, where it authorizes itself to take the place of God by destroying entire countries.’ (p. 287)[11]

La terre entière est devenue pour l’Amérique un espace anomique, sans droit. Se comportant tel un Etat-dieu, l’Amérique abolit le droit international et fait pleuvoir sur les peuples des déluges de feu. La violation continuelle du droit international par les Etats-Unis – et Israël – ne doit pas nous surprendre, dans la mesure où le reste du monde est considéré comme habité par des hommes inférieurs que l’on peut bombarder, exterminer et réduire par la stérilisation de masse. Les habitants de la planète terre sont devenus, au regard des Etats-Unis, les Indiens qu’ils ont exterminés. La planète est donc transformée par les Etats-Unis en immense espace anomique où l’usage de la force est placée hors du droit tel que l’était l’Amérique lorsqu’elle a été découverte.

‘For America, the whole Earth has become a lawless, anomic space. Behaving like a God-State, America has abolished international law and it has rained a deluge of fire over the [other] peoples. The continual violation of international law by the US – and Israel – should not come as a surprise to us, in as far as the rest of the world is considered to be inhabited by inferior peoples who can be bombed, exterminated or reduced by mass sterilization. Thus, the US has transformed the planet into an immense anomic space where the use of force takes place outside the law, in the same way as it was in America when it was discovered.’ (p. 296)

(*) Economically speaking, the Western comprador-capitalist financial system and the Atlanticist hegemon’s global power, have reached their utmost (political, social, environmental) limits (‘to growth’):

[L]’Angleterre et les Etats-Unis sont les vecteurs de la globalisation économique, de la consommation individualiste et jouisseuse, de la société de l’indistinction, sans frontière ni attache, du capitalisme libéral financier sauvage, étendu par le système de libre-échange. Tout ce qu’ils ont imposée au monde.

‘[T]he UK and the US are the [main] vectors of economic globalization, of societal indistinction, borderless and detached, of wild [high] finance liberal capitalism, expanded outward through the system of free trade. They have imposed all that on the [entire] world’ (p. 14-5)

[Maintenant], le capitalisme et le libéralisme doivent, pour perdurer, dépasser leurs contradictions internes en se transformant. Le système capitaliste financier transnationale et libre-échangiste a atteint ses limites.

‘[Now], to endure, capitalism and liberalism must overcome their internal contradictions – and transform. The capitalist system of transnational and free-market finance has reached its limits.’ (p. 234)

* Politically speaking, after four decades of nihilist neo-liberalism and three decades of globalist transnationalism, the nation-state (described as an organic spiritual entity by Hegel and as an ethnic habitat and physical biotope) has been destroyed. Hindi gives a solidly Traditionalist analysis of its rise and fall, through its origin as a semi-divine (‘Leviathan’) sovereign nation-state in the wake of the religious wars (finalized in the 1648 Treaties of Westphalia), its gradual capture by High Finance (finalized in the 1919 Treaties of Paris)[12] and its technology-driven expansion into totalitarian (public-private distinction erasing) form (finalized – or ‘socialized’ – in the 2004 World Wide Web 2.0), all the way up to its replacement by transnational biopolitical control mechanisms (finalized in the 2020 Covid regime). From that point onwards, the remaining powers and structures of the former nation-state have been ‘repurposed’: they have been transformed into instruments of a new transnational and transversal ‘class struggle’ between the ruling globalist oligarchy and the about-to-be-enslaved rest:

Nous serions alors sur une frontière floue entre lutte de classes et guerre privée de type médiévale. Car ce qui reste de l’état, dépouillé de ses prérogatives régaliennes par l’UE et l’OTAN, c’est la police, le ministère de l’intérieur, la capacité de répression, non pas des délinquants, mais de la classe moyenne élargie, ennemie principale du pouvoir politique.

‘Thus, we will find ourselves at the fluid boundary between class struggle and medieval-style private warfare. Because what remains of the state, deprived of its sovereign prerogatives by the EU and NATO, are the police, the interior ministry [and] the repressive apparatus, no [longer aimed at] criminals but at the middle class in its largest sense, which is the main enemy of political power.’ (p. 229)

In Hindi’s view, the primary battlefield of the presently unfolding ‘class struggle 2.0’, between the oligarchy and the rest, is the attempt by the people – Yellow Vest, anti-lockdown, J6, anti-vax, anti-Ukraine, anti-pension-reform protests – to regain control of the levers state power.

L’objectif implicite du peuple est a reprise de contrôle de l’état, afin de rediriger sa tête vers l’intérêt collectif. L’état ne peut perdurer que dans la poursuite de buts qui sont exclusivement collectifs.

‘The implicit goal of the people is to regain control of the state [so as] to redirect it to the collective good. The state can only endure in pursuit of aims that are exclusively collective.’ (p. 231)

In Hindi’s view, the oligarchy is committed to preventing exactly that: the restoration of the political intervention power of the state on behalf of the collective. The oligarchy will grasp at any pretext to maintain and expand the ‘state of emergency’ that has been de facto in effect across the West ever since ‘9/11’:

cet état d’exception permanent produit les germes d’une guerre civile entre un pouvoir, qui s’est extrait de la loi en la suspendant, et un peuple dont les droits sont bafoués.

‘this permanent state of emergency creates the seeds of civil war between a power that has detached itself from the law by suspending it and a people that sees its rights flouted.’ (p. 6)

That power will never let a good crisis go to waste (for Hindi’s analysis of the Covidianist, Ecologist and Ukrainianist ’emergencies’, cf. Paragraph 2 below).

(*) Legally speaking, simultaneously with the nation-state, nation-state-based international law has been destroyed, reducing international relations to the ‘might is right’ principle.

L’édification de l’état moderne a conduit aux Traités de Westphalie (1648) établissant le droit international européen qui place les états dans un rapport d’égalité, du moins au théorie. Tout cet édifice a été détruit au cours du XXe siècle, précisement à partir du Traité de Versailles (1919). La fin de la Première Guerre Mondiale coïncide avec le basculement définitf des Etats-Unis de l’isolationnisme vers l’hyper-interventionnisme qui a apporté, non pas la paix ou un utopique gouvernement mondial, mais la guerre civile mondiale.

‘The construction of the modern state led to the Treaties of Westphalia (1648), which established European international law, placing states in equal relation to each other, at least theoretically. This entire construct was brought down in the course of the 20^th Century, [or] more precisely starting with the Versailles Treaty (1919). The end of WWI coincides with the final tipping over of the US from isolationism into hyper-interventionalism, leading not to [world] peace or a utopian world government, but to a global civil war.’ (p. 5)

In Hindi’s view, the outbreak of a fully-fledged, all-against-all global ‘jungle war’ dates back to the 2000 neocon coup (Bush ‘election’) and the 2001 neocon false flag (‘9/11’), resulting in a ‘world state of emergency'[13] and a de facto suspension of international law. Arguably, ‘Ukraine’ marks the point at which that ‘jungle war’, previously restricted to the ‘rest’ (Iraq, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Sudan), reached the West.

(*) Realpolitik-ally speaking, ‘the West’ is now just an empty word: a ‘trophy name’ with remnant prestige that the transnational power of the High Finance hostile elite likes to associate to. That power may have its home base in the ‘Western’ Five Eyes countries of overseas Anglosphere, but seems to be abandoning – or rather sacrificing – the rest of the West, i.e. the ex-Catholic and ex-Protestant parts of Europe. Similarly, the hostile elite’s much-vaunted ‘Western values’ are now nothing but a projection of its own (ever-shifting) globalist interests and (infinitely malleable) nihilist ideas:

Ce que l’on appelle aujourd’hui ‘l’Occident’ est une construction idéologique et politique. La soumission de l’Europe à Washington s’est concrétisée par la création de structures supranationales, à savoir l’Union Européenne et son pendant, l’OTAN, le bras armé des Etats-Unis. L’Occident est l’autre nom de l’intégration de l’espace européen au système de domination idéologico-politique anglo-américain. La réforme religieuse et l’adoption du calvinisme par l’Angleterre ont accompagné une expansion économique et géopolitique de nature messianique.

‘That what is nowadays called ‘the West’ – in fact, a zombie version of the former West[14] –  is an ideological and political construct. The submission of Europe to Washington was realized through the creation of supra-national structures, viz. the EU and its military counterpart, NATO, which is the armed wing of US [power]. ‘The West’ is another name for the integration of the European space into the ideological [and] political system of Anglo-American hegemony. The religious reform and the adoption of Calvinism by England went hand in hand with an economic and geopolitical expansion of a messianic nature.’ (p. 9)

(*) Geopolitically speaking, Europe now faces a double war:

(A) a geo-economic war, triggered by America’s assault on Europe, cutting off Europe’s near and cheap Russian energy supplies, replacing them with far and expensive American imports, triggering the asphyxiation of European industry and its partial relocation to America, as well as

(B) an intra-economic ‘class struggle 2.0’, triggered by (Five Eye-based) High Finance’s assault on the (Continental Europe-based) haute bourgeoisie, resulting in zero-sum game competition between the fictional (i.e. financialized, virtualized) economy and the real (i.e. agricultural, industrial) economy). This assault is conducted through the Great Reset mechanisms (‘mass formation’ psy-op cults) of Covidianism, i.e. ‘health’ agenda, Ecologism, i.e. ‘green’ agenda, and Ukrainianism, i.e. ‘demonological’ agenda (cf. Paragraph 2 below).

(Ad A) Au fur et à mesure qu’advenait l’inéluctable monde multipolaire, l’hêgemôn étasunien, affaibli, s’est transformé en monstre prédateur dévorant ses propres vassaux, affaiblissant l’Europe, sa principale sphère d’influence. La destruction économique de l’Europe, par les Etats-Unis, est une des conséquences de l’échec du projet hégémonique universel face aux grands-espaces qui lui tiennent tête. …Le vieux continent est conduit par Washington vers l’abattoir économique et militaire. …La politique étatsunienne en Europe aujourd’hui conduit à la guerre militaire et à la guerre civile. L’Amérique et son capitalisme décroissant, de prédation, apparaît de plus en plus comme un problème et un danger de mort pour les Européens.

‘As and when approaches the inevitable multipolar world, the weakened American hegemon is transformed into a monstrous predator that devours its own vassals, weakening Europe, [which] is its main sphere of influence. The economic destruction of Europe by the US is one of the consequences of the failure of its project of universal hegemony in the face of the great space [powers] that stand up to it. …The Old World is led by Washington to the economic and military slaughterhouse. …US policy towards Europe today is leading to military conflict and civil war. America and its anti-growth, predatory capitalism appear more and more as a problem and as a mortal danger to Europeans.’  (p. 57-8, 364, 366)

(Ad B) C’est une nouvelle configuration socio-politique qui dessine les contours d’une lutte des classes inédites, transversale, une lutte existentielle. Transversale car elle divise le sommet de la pyramide oligarchique, entre les tenants de l’économie réelle et ceux qui la détruisent, les maîtres de l’économie fictive.

‘It is a new socio-political configuration that is sketching the outlines of a transversal struggle between unheard-of classes. [It is] transversal because it divides the top of the oligarchic pyramid between the supporters of the real economy and those that destroy it, [viz.] the masters of the fictional economy.’ (p.4)

Mechanisms

Les pouvoirs politiques occidentaux… ont, de nos jours, déclenché les hostilités contre les peuples – certes au prêtexte de la lutte contre le terrorisme et le Covid-19 – comme par anticipation de leur révolte. Cet état d’exception est concrètement utilisé par la classe dirigeante pour ostraciser, neutraliser et isoler (emprisonner) ses enemis. …Chaque grande crise – terrorisme, épidémie, guerre – est l’occasion d’une synchronisation, d’une accentuation de l’état d’exception, de la soumission de l’Europe à l’hêgemôn étatsunien et donc à l’oligarchie qui est à sa tête.

‘The political powers of the West… have, [starting] from our days, commenced hostilities against the[ir] peoples – certainly under [such] pretexts as the ‘war on terror’ and ‘Covid-19′ – in anticipation of their revolt. In concrete terms, the leading class is using this state of emergency to ostracize, neutralize and isolate (imprison) its enemies. …Every major crisis – terrorism, pandemic, war – is an opportunity to synchronize [and] accentuate the state of emergency and the submission of Europe to the American hegemon and hence to the oligarchy that heads it.’ (p. 278, 281)

(A) Covidianism:[15]

Le covidisme a été le moyen pour l’hégémonisme anglo-américain libéral et financier d’opérer un virage forcé dans un monde qu’il ne peut dominer.

‘For the liberal Anglo-American financial hegemon, Covidianisme has been a means to enforce a turning upon a world that it can no [longer] dominate.’ (p. 130)

Le covidisme a été un formidable moyen d’instaurer une tyrannie policière et numérique… [et] ce processus tyrannique [s’]accentuerait… avec l’instauration future d’une monnaie dématérialisée qui permettra le contrôle étroit des personnes, et leur déconnexion du système monétaire en cas de désobéissance. …[P]our neutraliser les populations, la tyrannie monétaire. Une monnaie pour surveiller et punir. 

‘Covidianism has been a formidable tool for establishing a police [state] and a digital tyranny… [and] this tyrannical process will be accentuated… by the future establishment of immaterialized money, which will allow for the tight control of persons and their disconnection from the monetary system in case of disobedience. …To neutralize populations [there will arise a] monetary tyranny. [With] money [serving as] surveillance and punishment.’ (p. 145, 147)

L’oligarchie occidentale a avalisé, dans ses discours et sa politique, la fin de la liberté individuelle, de la société de production et de consommation.

‘The Western oligarchy has approved, in word and deed, the end of individual freedom [and] of producer-consumer society.’ (p. 235)

A la faveur du covid, nous avons vu les dirigeants occidentaux s’efforcer de détruire l’économie, le système de santé et par suite les populations dont ils sont censés défendre les intérêts. Un comportement qui s’explique… par le vide religieux qui a ramené l’Occident aux temps de l’archaïsme sacrificiel.

‘For covid, we have seen Western leaders dedicate themselves to the destruction of the economy, the health care system and finally the peoples whose interests they are supposed to defend. This behaviour is explained… by a religious void that has taken the West back into the times of archaic sacrifice.’ (p. 203)

Dès lors que l’état de droit disparaît, et la justice avec elle, la violence sacrificielle ressurgit. [Il y a un] lien entre effondrement de la religion traditionnelle, abolition de l’état de droit et résurgence du sacrifice des innocents. Un sacrifice de masse, opéré par le pouvoir politique qui a… rendu quasiment obligatoire les injections par millions d’un produit expérimental qui s’est avéré dangereux.

‘Since the disappearance of the state of law, and justice with it, sacrificial violence has resurfaced. [There is a] link between the collapse of traditional religion, the abolition of the state of law and the resurgence of the sacrifice of innocents. A mass sacrifice, enacted through the political power that has… rendered semi-obligatory injections, by the million, with an experimental product that has turned out to be dangerous.’ (p. 304)

B. Ecologism:[16]

[La] destruction programmée de l’économie réele est justifiée, au sens religieux, par l’utopie écologique. Cette religion verte, épousée par la haute finance, n’est pas sans rappeller les projets des idéologies messianiques laïcisées qui voulaient à la fois restaurer sur terre un Eden perdu et instaurer un monde utopique. …Pour ‘sauver la planète’, les tenants de la finance occidentale sont en train de détruire les entreprises, les richesses et les hommes.

‘[The] programmed destruction of the real economy is justified, in a religious sense, by an ecological utopia. This green religion, espoused by High Finance, brings to mind [earlier] projects of messianic but secularized religions that sought to restore the lost [Garden of] Eden to Earth as well as inaugurate a utopian world. …To ‘save the planet’ the captains of Western High Finance have embarked on the destruction of industry, wealth and people.’ (p. 129)

C. Ukrainianism: Note that this term is not Hindi’s: the reviewer has coined it to stand parallel to Hindi’s terms Covidianism and Ecologism. ‘Ukrainianism’ covers the hostile elite’s ‘state of emergency’ pretext that is most impactful at the time of writing of Hindi’s Guerre as well as this review and it is characterized by the full-blown, ‘witch-hunt’-level demonization of the hostile elite’s chosen outer enemy: Russia. As everyone who has read Orwell’s Nineteen Eight-Four knows, the designation and demonization of an outer enemy, no matter how crudely done, is an essential tool in the formation and maintenance of totalitarian power. Following Hindi’s legal analysis set out in Paragraph 1, the utter – even irrational and counter-productive – demonization of the outer enemy is a logical consequence of the de facto end of international law:

La crise de l’état moderne et souverain – qui a été fondé en réaction aux guerres de religions – a pour corollaire le boulversement du droit international et de l’encadrement légal de la guerre. Le droit européen moderne mettait, sur le papier, les deux belligérants sur un pied d’égalité; or, sous l’influence des puissances anglo-américaines inégalitaires, nous sommes entrés, au XXe siècle, dans l’ère de la criminalisation de l’ennemi, de sa diabolisation. L’ennemi est ainsi exclu de l’humanité.

‘The crisis of the modern sovereign state, which was founded in reaction to the religious wars [of the 16^th and 17^th Centuries], has as its corollary the overthrow of international law and the laws of war. Modern European law assumed, on paper [at least], two belligerents of equal status, but under the influence of the inequalitarian Anglo-American powers we have entered, in the 20^th Century, the era of criminalisation of the enemy [and] of his demonization. Thus, the enemy is excluded from humanity.’ (p. 198)

In addition, the degree of dehumanization and demonization of the outer enemy is also a function of the development of the technology of warfare: new technology – in this case multidimensional warfare, including biotechnological and cognitive warfare – requires a moral (self-)justification for its use, irrespective of the flimsiness of that justification:

La guerre… incitera le belligérant qui se trouve en possession des armaments supérieurs à diaboliser son ennemi, à le priver du statut d’ennemi, pour n’y voir plus q’un monstre a éliminer. [N]ous avons… [vu] les Américains à l’oeuvre; détruire des états jugés illégitimes, maléfiques, massacrer des populations civiles par millions en invoquant la lutte pour la liberté, contre l’axe du mal.

‘War… encourages the belligerent who finds himself in possession of superior weaponry to demonize his enemy [and] to deprive him of ‘enemy’ status [itself] – to see only a monster that must be eliminated. [W]e have… seen the Americans at work, destroying states judged illegitimate [and] evil, massacring civilians by the million, invoking the struggle for freedom against the ‘axis of evil’.’ (p. 199)

Conclusions

In the West, the nation-state has broken down and the state apparatus has been captured by the globalist-nihilist hostile elite:

Compte tenu des faits que nous observons depuis une vingtaine d’années, et de leur parfaite correspondance avec les concept juridiques d’état d’exception, …nous pouvons en conclure que les pays occidentaux sont, depuis la guerre contre le terrorisme, entrés dans un mouvement révolutionnaire modifiant la nature des états. Par crises artificielles successives, cette révolution étatique nous a fait passer de l’imperium de la démocratie bourgeoise à celui de la tyrannie, de l’état d’exception permanent.

‘Taking into account the events that we have been observing over the last twenty years and their perfect correspondence with the legal concept of the state of emergency, …we can conclude that, since the ‘War on Terrorism’, Western states have entered into a revolutionary cycle that is altering the very nature of these states. By successive artificial crises, this state revolution has made us pass over from the empire of bourgeois democracy to that of tyranny [and] the permanent state of emergency.’ (p. 255)

In the West, a transversal class struggle has begun: the fictional-economy-(High Finance) based transnational hostile elite is seeking the enslavement and/or annihilation of the rest. After the elimination of (1) the working class (Reagan-Thatcher destruction of the labour movement and welfare state) and (2) the middle class (Clinton-Blair destruction of education-based meritocracy and social mobility) the transnational hostile elite now seeks the elimination of (3) the industrial haute bourgeoisie (Biden-Sunak destruction of free market capitalism and independent capital).

La géo-économie américaine anti-éuropéenne et la guerre menée par la haute finance contre… l’économie qui fait vivre les sociétés – et non pas la finance, qui vit aux dépens de la société – dessinent les contours d’une lutte des classes inédites, transversale.

‘The anti-European American geo-economics and the war that High Finance is waging on… the [real] economy, which keeps society alive, unlike finance which lives at the expense of society, are sketching the outlines of an unprecedented [new], transversal class struggle. (p. 158-9)

Nous sommes entrés dans une ère nouvelle où la lutte des classes traditionelle n’a plus de correspondance avec la réalité sociopolitique et économique du monde occidental. Il nous faut donc actualiser le concept.

‘We have entered a new era, in which [the] classical [concept of] class struggle no longer corresponds to the socio-political and economic reality of the Western world. So, it is necessary to update the concept.’ (p. 158)

At a global level, the transversal class struggle in the West is mirrored in a de facto state of worldwide civil war with distinctly eschatological overtones:

L’état d’exception et la guerre civile fride en Occident opposant peuples et oligarchies, la guerre civile mondiale, et l’opposition entre Etats-Unis – puissance destructive – et la Russie – puissance d’équilibre – recouvrent une confrontation de nature théologique-politique, parfois méconnue des principaux protagonistes. …D’un côté, des Etats-démiurges anomiques, l’Amérique à leur tête, qui se sont érigés en divinités ayant aboli la loi, et des peuples (d’Occident et d’ailleurs) qui luttent pour leur survie, pour le rétablissement du nomos (la loi) à l’échelle nationale et l’établissement d’un nouveau nomos (partage) de la terre à l’échelle mondiale.

‘The state of emergency and the cold civil war in the West, opposing peoples and oligarchs, the global civil war and the opposition between the US – a power for destruction – and Russia – a power for balance – cover a confrontation of a theo-political nature, sometimes unrecognized by its principal protagonists. …On the one hand, there are the anomic demiurge-states led by America, which claim divinity after having abolished the law, and, [on the other hand,] there are the peoples (in the West and elsewhere) who are fighting for their survival, for the re-establishment of the nomos (law) at the national level and the establishment of a new nomos (division) of the Earth at the global level.’ (p. 314)

In the final analysis, the transversal class struggle and the global civil war recently initiated by the globalist-nihilist hostile elite, based in the Five Eyes countries of the overseas Anglosphere and ‘Neo-Atlantean’ in character, are theo-political in nature:

C’est à ce démiurge, animé par le pouvoir politique oligarchique, auquel les peuples occientaux sont confrontés. Cette confrontation prend la forme de luttes contre le déclassement, l’appauvrissement, la destruction de l’hôpital, elle prend la formed d’une opposition aux lois liberticides, aux pass sanitaires, vacinnale et demain écologique. Les peuples ne le savent pas, mais cette confrontation dans laquelle ils sont engagés est de nature fondamentalement politico-religieuse.

‘It is this demiurge, animated by oligarchic political power, that the peoples of the West are confronted with. This confrontation takes the form of the fight against social demotion, impoverishment [and] health care destruction [and] it takes the form of the opposition against freedom-squashing legislation and passes [of all kinds], sanitary, vaccine and – tomorrow – ecological. The people do not know it, but the confrontation they are engaged in is fundamentally theo-political in nature.’ (p. 299)

La théologie politique n’a, paradoxalement, jamais été aussi utile pour comprendre les évolutions de l’état que dans l’Occident athéiste. L’état moderne a usurpé la souveraineté divine; en conséquence, les peuples occidentaux vivent sous l’imperium de ce démiurge tout en niant l’existence de Dieu et en étant aveugle à la nature de cet état qui s’est octroyé les pouvoirs divins de législation. …L’etat moderne, en tant que détenteur de la souveraineté divine, peut suspendre la loi, remettre en question la loi naturelle et émettre des lois contraires à la loi de Dieu et au bien commun.

‘Paradoxically, political theology has never been so useful for the understanding of state evolution as it is [now] in the atheist West. The modern state has usurped divine sovereignty. As a result, the Western peoples live under the imperium of that demiurge[-state], denying the existence of God and blind as to the nature of that state, which has patented divine powers of legislation… The modern state, which has assumed divine sovereignty, can suspend the law [at will], question natural law and promulgate laws that are contrary to the law of God and the common good.’ (p. 298)

Le société s’autodétruit à mesure que la morale – qui est un frein – disparaît, à mesure que l’état rejette la loi naturelle. A l’heure du LGBTisme promu par l’education nationale, de l’athéisme triomphant, le taux de suicide chez les jeunes… augmenté. …[I]l y a là coïncidence entre vide religieux, tyrannie anomique, augmentation du nombre de sociopathes au pouvoir, crise de régime, décomposition de la société, à commencer par la famille, destruction de l’économie, intensification de la violence politique et déclenchement d’une guerre civile froide en passe de devenir chaude.

‘Society self-destructs to the extent that morality – which functions as a brake – disappears [and] to the extent that the state rejects natural law. At this moment, LGBTism is promoted in the national education curriculum, atheism is triumphant [and] the suicide rate among young people… has risen. … Here, a a religious void, an anomic tyranny, a rise in the number of sociopaths in power, a crisis of governance, a decomposition of society starting at the family [unit], a destruction of the economy and an intensification of political violence coincide – a descent into a cold civil war that is bound to become hot.’ (p. 358-9)

Remedies

Hindi argues that all sea-power hegemonies, from the Delos League to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, have specific weaknesses that may be exploited by land-power empires:

(A) Hegemonies cannot distinguish friend and foe: in the final analysis, all parties outside the hegemonic centre are enemies, whether declared or undeclared. ‘Friends’ will be ruthlessly sacrificed by the centre: Ukrainian manpower is merely cannon fodder and German industry is merely collateral damage. This means that enemies of the hegemon may find such betrayed ‘friends’ amenable to switching sides;

(B) Hegemonies cannot unify state and economy: in the final analysis, hegemonic public political power is a mere function of private economic power, as is shown by the fact that the present Atlanticist hegemon applies its ‘free market principles’ of economic jungle warfare competition even against the clear interests of the nations and peoples of its home base nation. Although geographically based there, the hegemon does not serve the interests of the American and British peoples, but only those of Big Banking, Big Tech, Big Pharma, etc. This means that, as socio-economic strain builds, the mass of the population in these countries will, at some point, become alienated from the ruling elite;

(C) Hegemonies are vampiric in nature: in the final analysis, they leech off their subjects and victims without caring about the ultimate sustainability of that ‘business model’ and, as time passes, their power shift from reality to perception. Thus, Atlanticist hegemony is based on the largely fictitious power of things such as the ‘reserve currency’ dollar, ‘MSM’ propaganda, ‘Hollywood’ mythology and the ‘woke-fied’ US Army. This means that, once certain stress levels are tested, the whole house of cards, carefully crafted over decennia, may collapse over an unexpectedly short span of time.

Hindi points out more specific weaknesses in the Atlanticist hegemon’s position in Europe, which is intricately bound up with the fate of its two most important – and increasingly intertwined – hegemonic structures, the EU and the NATO. In the face of a semi-direct confrontation with its formidable SCO-BRICS adversary, the hegemon has engaged a high stakes gamble because it requires

(A) the permanent docility of 447 million Europeans, despite their increasing impoverishment;

(B) the permanent synchronization of the EU’s 27 EU member states, despite their evident divergence in terms of vital national interests;

(C) a modicum of political stability, despite its unfolding all-out transversal class struggle assault on both the middle class and the industrial bourgeoisie; and

(D) a modicum of military prestige, despite the eminent risk of defeat in Ukraine, coming on top of its defeat in Afghanistan.

Hindi also point out the hegemon’s (potential) greatest weakness: the ‘weakest link in the chain’. Germany, which has been America’s most docile vassal since its 1945 defeat and was rewarded with caporegime status in Europe in 1990, is now subject to unprecedented domestic strains and international challenges:

Les dirigeants [allemands] ont mentalement intégré la soumission aux Etats-Unis, …sous couvert d’idéologie écologique, de droit-de-l’hommisme, d’auto-flagellation éternelle pour exorciser le nazisme, de féminisme et de wokisme…

‘The [German] leadership has mentally integrated [its] submission to the US, …under cover of ecologism, human-rightism, eternal self-flagellation to exorcise nazism, feminism and wokism…’ (p. 118)

[Ainsi l]es Etats-Unis avaient choisi Berlin pour tenir le rôle de Gauleiter en Europe, en lui permettant de tirer profit dus système économique appuyé sur l’euro.

‘[Thus], the US chose Berlin to play the role of Gauleiter in Europe, permitting it to profit from the Euro-based economic system.'(p. 122)

[Mais] les Américains ont poussé le patronat allemand dans ses derniers retranchement. Il n’y avait plus que deux issues: la mort ou un virage économique. Et visiblement, c’est la seconde option qui a été choisie, instinct de survive oblige. …C’est une question de vie ou de mort économique.

‘[But] the Americans have pushed Germany’s captains of industry with their backs against the wall. There are no more than two [possible] outcomes: death or an economic turn. Visibly, the second option has been chosen, as survival instinct kicks in. It is a question of economic life or death.’ (p. 113-4)

[La] tension au sein de l’Allemagne entre industriels et pro-américains, incarne la lutte actuelle entre les puissances maritimes et les puissances terrestres, entre l’économie fictive, financière, et l’économie réelle, industrielle.

‘[The] tension within Germany, between industrialists and pro-Americans, mirrors the ongoing struggle between the sea powers and the land powers, [as well as] between the virtual economy of finance and the real economy of industry.’ (p. 120) In this way, Hindi argues, Germany is fast becoming the focus point of the stresses caused by the globalist-nihilist hostile elite’s double war on Europe, with internal fracturing compounding external pressure.

Hindi suggest that one way to defeat the Atlanticist hegemon is to create an alliance between its natural allies:

La désignation simultanée d’ennemis intérieur – les peuples européens – et extérieur – la Russie – pourrait conduire à une alliance objective de ces deux ennemis communs.

‘The simultaneous designation of internal enemies – the European peoples – and external [enemies] – Russia – should lead to an objective alliance between these two common enemies.’ (p. 235)

Such an alliance should, therefore, be the strategic aim of the Dissident Right movement inside the West and the Eurasianist and Multipolar Movement outside the West.

Having ruthlessly diagnosed Europe as ‘the sick man of the world’, Hindi prescribes the only medicine that he thinks may yet save the states, peoples and civilization of Europe: a theo-political revival. Hindi clearly states the nature of Europe’s fatal disease:

L’athéisme conduit l’Europe sur une voie dangereuse, celle du nihilisme, de politiques suicidaires, que ce soit dans le domaine sociétale, économique ou géopolitique. La stabilisation de l’Europe passe par une réforme théologique-politique et un repositionnement stratégique de la France qui a une responsabilité historique et un rôle futur à jouer. Il en va de l’avenir et de la stabilité de l’Eurasie.

‘Atheism is guiding Europe onto a dangerous path, [viz. the path] of nihilism [and its resultant] suicidal policies in the domains of social life, economic life and geopolitics. The stabilization of Europe depends on a theological-political reform and a strategic repositioning by France, which has a historic responsibility and a future role to play. The same applies to the future and stability of Eurasia [as a whole].’ (p. 7)

Le vide religieux a produit à la fois une société atomisée et, avec un temps de retard, son reflect à l’échelle politique: un système des parties éclatés puis fondus en un seul. C’est ce parti unique de l’oligarchie qui contrôle l’état, et c’est ce qui rend le pouvoir politique particulièrement dangereux.

‘The religious void has produced an atomized society as well as – with some delay – its reflection at the political level: a system of parties that have molten down to subsequently become fused into one. This is the oligarchic uni-party that controls the state and this is what makes its political party particularly dangerous.’ (p. 225)

Finally, Hindi issues an important warning befitting the old proverb that ‘the wounded snake bites deepest’, in casu the nuclear arms-fanged serpent that is the hegemon’s ‘Empire of Lies’:

Arrivés en bout de course, ruinés, affaiblis, faisant face à de grandes puissances rivales qui remettent en cause son hégémonie militaire et monétaire, les Etats-Unis deviennent extrêmement dangereux, car ils ne peuvent accepter l’échec qui impliquerait la remise en question de ce qu’ils ont toujours cru être, une nation messianique destinée à régner sur le monde.

‘Having reached the end of its journey, ruined, weakened [and] face to face with rival great powers that challenge its military and monetary hegemony, the US has become extremely dangerous, because it cannot accept [any] failure that would create doubt about what it has always believed itself to be, [viz.] a messianic nation destined to rule the world.’ (p. 26)

Concluding this review of Youssef Hindi’s La Guerre des Etats-Unis contre l’Europe et l’avenir de l’état, it is necessary to remind the reader that the author has non-European roots but that, in writing this highly timely work, he has done far more for Europe than most Europeans have done at this hour. The reviewer, therefore, has a recommendation of his own to add to Hindi’s highly valuable prescriptions. It is this: that the enslaved peoples of Europe should from now on refuse their American fast food rations, shed their American jeans rags, break their chains of American sensual bondage and wake up from their American virtual reality spell. That they should recapture their ancestors’ spirit and pull their ancestors’ sword out of the stone of history.

Ein Volk, das keine Waffen tragen will, wird Ketten tragen. – Ernst Jünger

Definition of Terms

‘Hegemon’ – …renvoie… à une nation, une puissance, qui exerce un commandement, une domination souveraine sur d’autres nations et peuples sans pour autant les assimiler. L’hêgemôn maintient une distinction nette entre le peuple dominant et les peuples dominés. ‘…refers to a nation [or] power that exercises command [authority and] sovereign dominion over other nations and peoples, but without assimilating them. The Hegemon maintains a clear distinction between the dominating people and the dominated peoples.’ (p. 29);

‘Imperium’ – …signifie en latin… [u]n commendement qui s’exerce sur un territoire. Le territoire de l’empire s’étend en intégrant d’autres peuples, états ou royaumes, à son système de domination, …[qui est] suffisamment ‘égalitaire’ pour assimiler les peuples conquis à une entité politique unique, centralisée ou du moins fédérale. ‘…signifies, in Latin, …command [authority] exercised over a [certain] territory. The territory of an empire expands while integrating other peoples, states or kingdoms into its system of domination, …[which is] sufficiently ‘egalitarian’ to assimilate conquered peoples to a [single], unique, or at least confederated political entity.’ (p. 29);

La mystique de la laïcité – ‘the mystique of secularism’, referring to subliminal dimension of (French) republicanism as secular religion;  

‘NATO-fication’ – the ‘weaponization’ of the hegemon’s old alliances, part of its ‘total war’ mobilization of all its vassals’ resources;

‘Pan-polemos’ – Les Etats-Unis mènent une guerre géopolitique et géoéconomique à l’Europe, et l’oligarchie occidentale mène une guerre de destruction des classes moyennes, de tous les producteurs, européens et américains.  La guerre civile mondiale est une poupée russe. Une guerre dans une autre, une guerre civile sociale dans une guerre internationale, une guerre inter-étatique dans une guerre continentale. La guerre civile mondiale est pluridimensionnelle et elle se déroule sure plusieurs échelles : …[c’est] le pan-polemos. ‘The US is waging a geopolitical and geo-economical war against Europe and the Western oligarchy is waging a war of destruction against the middle classes, against all producers, European and American. Th[is] global civil war is a Russian doll: a war inside a war, a social civil war within an international war [and] an intra-state war within a continental war. Th[is] global civil war is multi-dimensional and it unfolds at multiple levels [simultaneously]: [this is] the pan-polemos’ (p. 291-2)

‘Zombie-state’ – note that this term is not Hindi’s: the reviewer has coined it to summarize Hindi’s diagnosis of the post-Great Reset Western state. [Après] la prise en main de l’état par [l’]oligarchie et ses reseaux, que l’on doit distinguer de l’état lui-même, … [l]e pouvoir politique [oligarchique] a dévoyé le rôle de l’état en l’utilisant pour défendre des intérêts privés, aux détriment des intérêts publics. S’en est suivi une privatisation du monopole de la violence étatique; …le pouvoir politique utilise la police comme une milice privée contre le peuple. ‘After the take-over of the state by the oligarchy and its networks, which should be distinguished from the state itself, …le political power [wielded by the oligarchy] has perverted the role of the state by using it to defend private interests, to the detriment of public interests. What followed was the privatization of the monopoly on violence [wielded by the] state: …the political power uses the police as a private militia against the people.’ (p. 204-5)

Quotations

Die protestantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus:

L’arkhè politico-religieux… de l’hêgemôn américain… se trouve dans l’Angleterre calviniste. …Le calvinisme était une doctrine religieuse bourgeoise, taillée pour le commerçant et le banquier. …Le capital, le crédit, la banque et le grand commerce étaient reconnus presque comme des articles de foi. …La prédestination… prit une forme socio-économique hégémonique en fusionnant avec l’anthropologie anglaise (famille nucléaire, inégalitaire, avec une mobilité spatiale des individus très importante) au moment de la transformation de l’île en hêgemôn maritime.

‘The politico-religious archetype of the American hegemon is Calvinist England. …Calvinism was a bourgeois religious doctrine, tailor-made to fit traders and bankers. …Capital, credit, banking and big business were practically recognized as articles of faith. …Predestination… took a hegemonic form [in] social [and] economic [life] as it fused with English anthropolog[ical reality] (nuclear family, [caste-like] inequality and individual spatial mobility) at the moment of the island’s transformation into a maritime hegemon. ‘ (p. 8, 12-3)

Z nového světa:

L’Amérique était le lieu où même l’homme civilisé retournait à l’état de nature et ‘redevenait’ un loup pour l’homme.

‘America was the place where even civilized man returned to the state of nature and became again wolf to man.’ (p. 293)

La géopolitique étatsunienne est mythique et sacrificielle.

‘US geopolitics are mythical and sacrificial.’ (p. 289)

From Umvolking to Entvolkung:

La transformation nouvelle du capitalisme occidental vise à réduire purement et simplement une partie de la population appauvrie et en révolte, c’est ce que nous appelons la société de consumation qui remplace celle de la consommation.

‘The newest transformation of Western capitalism aims, simply and sternly, at the reduction of the impoverished and rebellious part of the population: this is what we shall term the ‘consummation society’ that is to replace the ‘consumption society’. (p. 235)

Credo:

Tout corps privé d’une âme meurt, tout état privé d’une religion ou d’une croyance collective, est voué à l’affaiblissement, voire à la décomposition.

A body deprived of a soul [and] a state deprived of a religion or collective belief [system] are bound to weaken and decompose.’ (paraphrasing Gustav Le Bon, p. 203)

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This article was originally published on Geopolitica.RU.

Alexander Wolfheze received his MA in Semitic Languages and Cultures in 2004 and his cum laude PhD in the Humanities in 2011, both from Leiden University, Netherlands. With extensive research experience in the fields of Assyriology and Cultural Anthropology, he subsequently authored several publications in the field of Near Eastern cultural history. His current interdisciplinary specializations are pre-modern epistemology and Traditionalist philosophy; his earlier book The Sunset of Tradition and the Origins of the Great War applies these specializations to the cultural-historical background of the First World War. 

Notes