There are two main approaches among Western public opinion regarding the role of Israel, its relations with the United States, and, consequently, the significance of both of these factors for the situation in the Middle East.
Israel as the US Colony
The first opinion, popular especially in leftist intellectual circles, sees Israel as merely a quasi-colony of the United States.
Thus, it is America that is therefore the driving force behind Middle Eastern conflicts, acting in accordance with the logic of imperialism.
This doesn’t, of course, reduce the responsibility of the Zionist regime for the crimes it commits and the wars it provokes, but from this perspective,
Bibi Netanyahu and others seem more like just collaborators with the American military-industrial complex and its interests.
They are bloodier tools rather than perpetrators.
American policy is therefore becoming the main target of the protests, and Washington is expected to act for peace in the Middle East and resolve the Palestinian issue in accordance with the officially proclaimed slogans of democracy and protection of human rights.
United States as the Zionist Colony
However the second position, much more popular in America, in anti-system circles of both right and left, sees the United States themselves rather as a colony of Israel.
“Capitol is occupied not less than Palestine!” – I’ve heard that sentence many times from my American friends. This is a completely different perspective, which forces us to focus on the immanent criminality of Zionism itself, which is more than just a convenient tool, an ideology used to cover imperialist goals.
This is the very essence of the Palestinian crisis, the reason why the solution to the Middle East issue is beyond the reach of the international debate, especially only with the participation of non-governmental organisations.
Nazi Question
The Nazi question haven’t been solved by negotiations or by wondering whether Hitler was working for big capital.
The options of “Nazism with a human face” or compromise with “Nazi pragmatists” were not on a table.
Nazism had to be defeated on the battlefields, in the bloodiest war in human history. The Nazi Third Reich was abolished as a state, the nation was denazified, and the territories conquered and occupied by the Nazis were returned to their historic inhabitants. Since Zionism is a specific, Israeli form of Nazism it would be utopian to believe that it can be treated differently from Hitlerism, i.e. German Nazism, or Banderism, i.e. Ukrainian Nazism.
And just as historically not all powers contributed equally to the victory over Nazism, so today the attitude of the main international actors towards Zionism differs significantly. Much more unequivocal, however, is the attitude of the nations themselves, making the matter clear: Zionism will meet the same end as Nazism in Hitler’s bunker under the ruins of the Reich Chancellery.
Political Limitations of Popular Movements
Actions such as Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) have a huge impact on integrating public opinion in its opposition to Zionist crimes and their sponsors. The reaction of Western societies to the genocide in Gaza, these multi-hundred-thousand marches for peace and for Palestine in London and other cities are the largest independent popular movements in decades.
This is a real awakening against war, racism and imperialism. However, we must be aware of the limits of such involvement.
In the West, we are dealing with a systemic crisis of liberal democracy, which is currently being extinguished as a form of political organisation of states and societies.
Oligarchies, which have always dominated Western politics, are now almost openly present, while the basic assumptions of liberal democracy, such as freedom of speech, freedom of the media and scholarship, democratic elections of political representation, are no longer of real importance. Even such a mass popular movement as the campaigns in support of Palestine are met with indifference at best, and more often with direct repressions.
Millions of people can march through the streets of Western cities to protest the genocide in Gaza, and Western governments can ignore it, continuing to provide active support to the Netanyahu’s regime, as the British Government does.
Breaking Apartheid
This confirms the futility of political assimilation of Muslims living in Europe. Their voice is not and cannot be heard within the framework of the current system, which has the characteristics of practical apartheid. All those suspected of sympathising with the Palestinian cause are eliminated from mainstream Western parties, and censorship prevails in universities and in the media, including social media.
In this situation, all opponents of Zionism, all supporters of peace, in order to be heard, to gain influence and control, must organise themselves.
There are currently around 28 million Muslims living in the countries of the European Union and in the UK, and their percentage will only grow. This is a potentially powerful force, if only it stops allowing itself to be limited to the matter of migration, divisions between old and new immigrants, or cultural issues. This is a force of potential geopolitical change, completely reevaluating the Western strategy towards the Middle East, Asia and Africa.
And there can be only one perspective: Zionist came from overseas – they should go further, across the ocean. They have New York, Miami and California, so they don’t need Palestine anymore. Unless, of course, it is the Anglo-Saxons who need a foothold in the Middle East, and the inhabitants of Palestine, regardless of nationality and religion, are only hostages of foreign geopolitical interests. Therefore, justifying the occupation with humanitarian reasons or “historical justice towards the Jewish nation” turns out to be all the more mendacious. The falsehoods are exposed. The Palestinian syndrome must be overtaken in one way or another and from the River to the See Palestine must be free.
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Konrad Rękas is a regular contributor to Global Research.
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